Received Post Grado in Política Fiscal from Fundación Getúlio Vargas and Título Professional de Economista from Universidad Particular Ricardo Palma.

The Assembly will now hear an address by Mrs. Virginia Vargas, Founding Director and Executive Board Member of the Flora Tristan Centre for Peruvian Women.

France and Chira Vargas v. Peru, the present case concerns the revocation of an appointment to another post within the judiciary rather than the dismissal from public service.

Received Postgraduate degree in international relations from Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, degree in public administration (Bachelor of Arts) from Fundación Getúlio Vargas, and degree in law (Bachelor of Arts) from Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro.

Mrs. Vargas (Flora Tristan Centre for Peruvian Women) (spoke in Spanish) Before beginning, I wish to protest about the way in which the outcome document was adopted, the way in which the list of speakers was changed and the anti democratic way in which civil society has been left out of this summit.

But most observers seem to believe that his support was crucial in bestowing a mantle of legitimacy and democratic disposition on Humala, who in 2007 ran on an unabashedly pro Hugo Chávez platform. And Alvaro Vargas Llosa, Mario s son, has been helping Humala convince financial markets and the international community that he is now a true believer in capitalism.

Humala drew more votes than all of his rivals in the first round of the presidential election, but had to face Fujimori s daughter, Keiko, in a run off. Vargas Llosa initially declared that the choice was between AIDS and cancer, but later secured commitments from Humala on economic policy, democratic rule, and a one term administration.

Exit polls did not measure the Vargas Llosa effect, so it is difficult to say whether his backing was decisive in Humala s victory (the margin was less than 2 ). But most observers seem to believe that his support was crucial in bestowing a mantle of legitimacy and democratic disposition on Humala, who in 2007 ran on an unabashedly pro Hugo Chávez platform.

This persistence is best reflected in the role that Nobel Prize winning novelist Mario Vargas Llosa plays in his native Peru. He was, of course, always an engagé in the early 1960 s, when he supported the Cuban Revolution when he later became one of Fidel Castro s most ferocious and effective critics and when he ran for Peru s presidency in 1989 (losing to Alberto Fujimori).

Vargas Llosa argued eloquently and elegantly that he could not vote for the daughter of a corrupt and repressive former president currently serving a 25 year prison sentence for human rights violations. But nor could he abstain or call for others to do so, since this would not only favor Keiko, but would also be a de facto abdication of the intellectuel engagé s responsibility.

In a sense, Vargas Llosa is a contradictory committed figure in the European meaning of the word, he is probably the most liberal of Latin America s public intellectuals, but also the most vocal and daring. He put his money where his mouth was by running for Peru s presidency, and he became a virtual king maker by throwing his support to Ollanta Humala, who has apparently abandoned populism to embrace the tenets of the modern Latin American democratic left.

The problem with all of this lies in the risk that Vargas Llosa and so many other Latin American public intellectuals run whenever they throw their considerable reputations and talents into the political arena. Whether they actually make a difference or are mistakenly perceived to have made even a minor contribution to a given cause (my own case with Vicente Fox s election as Mexico s president in 2000), they are held responsible for the results, for better or for worse.