This was discovered by Francis Galton in the nineteenth century.

The nineteenth century philosopher John Stuart Mill had a more civilized view

It follows a pattern established during the nineteenth century as regards arbitration and during the twentieth century in respect of the International Court of Justice.

In the early nineteenth century, David Ricardo considered the possibility that machines would replace labor Karl Marx followed him.

China may regard the nineteenth century experience of a windswept island off the northwest coast of Europe as an odd source of inspiration. But if Chinese leaders meeting at their party plenum accomplish half as much as their nineteenth century English predecessors, they will have done very well indeed.

The Interim President himself underlined the need to update Haitian codes and legislation, which date back to the nineteenth century.

This pattern was followed by Scandinavian TNCs expanding abroad in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth centuries (Johanson and Vahlne 1977).

Every age produces its own answers. In the sixteenth century, control of colonies and gold bullion gave Spain the edge seventeenth century Holland profited from trade and finance eighteenth century France gained from its larger population and armies and nineteenth century British power rested on industrial and naval primacy.

Turning the clocks back to the early nineteenth century and re drawing borders accordingly was not a practical solution anywhere in the world.

What resources will produce power? In the sixteenth century, control of colonies and gold bullion gave Spain the edge seventeenth century Holland profited from trade and finance eighteenth century France gained from its larger population and armies and nineteenth century British power rested on its industrial primacy and its navy.

In any event, Israel s leaders are not actually interested in a realistic peace. Instead, they seem to want a solution reminiscent of nineteenth century Ireland which led to a century of casualties on both sides.

The nineteenth century Luddites fretted over that. Inventions like the steam engine and the power loom destroyed some jobs but eventually created many more.

When battles were lost, talks began. These talks eventually resulted in the formation of respected countries, from Italy in the nineteenth century, to India in the middle of the twentieth century, to Eritrea near that century s end.

China may have largely missed the Industrial Revolution in the nineteenth century. But its approach to e tail is poised to be one of the forces shaping the emerging market Internet revolution of the twenty first century.

NEW YORK In many of history s most successful economic reforms, clever countries have learned from the policy successes of others, adapting them to local conditions. In the long history of economic development, eighteenth century Britain learned from Holland early nineteenth century Prussia learned from Britain and France mid nineteenth century Meiji Japan learned from Germany post World War II Europe learned from the United States and Deng Xiaoping s China learned from Japan.

In order for our Organization to evolve, we cannot use the language of the twenty first century in the economic and social spheres while at the same time using that of the nineteenth century when discussing political affairs.

Ironically, a nineteenth century response, featuring balance of power politics and the rearmament of Europe and Japan, may be part of what is required to do it.

Until recently, each of these giant industries was comfortable continuing on its familiar and comfortable nineteenth century path into the twenty first century. Each had also succeeded in getting government to insulate it against any need to make fundamental changes.

In geopolitical terms, Russia and China are reenacting the norms of the nineteenth century, when states competed by amassing hard power in a system of unbridled nationalism and rigid state sovereignty. Indeed, Russian President Vladimir Putin seems to be trying to reassemble the nineteenth century map of Czarist Russia by holding on to Crimea, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and other parts of the old empire at all costs.

PALO ALTO Today s huge global energy problems in no small measure reflect the essentially nineteenth century business plans that three of the world s largest industries are still pursuing.

The small states of the mid nineteenth century, with no fiscal transfers out of a relatively limited area, might be recreated. But the dynamic might go further the German territories had around 350 independent political entities in the mid eighteenth century, and more than 3,000 before the middle of the seventeenth century.

It is not an eternal law of nature that the dollar shall always be number one. The pound sterling had the top spot in the nineteenth century, only to be surpassed by the dollar in the first half of the twentieth century.

His ambition should have been to tie Russia s future to that of Europe. Instead, Putin turned for inspiration to Nicholas I, the most reactionary of Russia s nineteenth century czars.

In the past, the counter cyclical behavior of large private institutions stabilized market expectations during panics. The house of Rothschild made the first half of the nineteenth century stable.

The Europeans then brought millions of African slaves to the Americas. After emancipation in the nineteenth century, the African American communities remained impoverished and largely bereft of political rights.

They found out that, in the nineteenth century, there was a Chinese emperor who launched 100 days of reform, during which he initiated many bold and ambitious reform processes.

But nor did nineteenth century colonialists think of themselves as immoral. Indeed, perhaps the greatest of British imperial conquerors in Africa, Cecil Rhodes, once defined imperialism as philanthropy plus 5 .

In the nineteenth century, the United States restricted foreign investment in several sectors, including finance. Today, both the US and the European Union keep a close watch on international acquisitions.

In Kuwait, the government dismissed parliament. Britain is convulsed by a scandal about parliamentary expenses that has no equivalent since the attacks on old corruption in the early nineteenth century.

In fact, we found that, in the nineteenth century, there was a Chinese emperor who launched 100 days of reform, during which he initiated many bold and ambitious reform processes.

If a twenty first century post sovereign system remains an unreachable dream in our Hobbesian world, and reverting to nineteenth century norms by acquiescing to aggressive behavior by Russia and China is unpalatable, defending the postwar international system may be the best option we have.

China at the beginning of the twenty first century is not Bismarck s newly unified Germany in the second half of the nineteenth century. The Chinese do not view themselves as a rising new power, but instead as Asia s traditional power, now experiencing a renaissance.

The British Joint Stock Companies Act of 1856, for example, established the principle of limited liability for corporations. Indentured servitude and debtors prisons have also been illegal since the nineteenth century.

FLORENCE The nineteenth century was mesmerized by the cyclical behavior of business. The French economist Clement Juglar became famous for establishing that business cycles ran for around nine or ten years.

In classic business cycle theory, a boom is initiated by a clutch of inventions power looms and spinning jennies in the eighteenth century, railways in the nineteenth century, automobiles in the twentieth century. But competitive pressures and the long gestation period of fixed capital outlays multiply optimism, leading to more investment being undertaken than is actually profitable.

Many in the US feared that, just as the nineteenth century had been British and the twentieth century had been American, the twenty first century would be Japanese. But, unlike the British or the Americans, the Japanese allegedly were gaining ground in nefarious ways, exporting aggressively to the US and unfairly excluding US exports from their domestic market.

But Karl Marx and Alexis de Tocqueville, the two great social analysts of the nineteenth century, knew better what makes people tick, and what makes societies change. Extreme poverty breeds apathy, not rebellion.

In the nineteenth century, as large scale police forces, court systems and prisons began appearing in the major cities, studies on the causes of crime drew widespread attention to the field of criminology.

No worldview rooted in the nineteenth century much less in the ninth century is adequate to the complexities of today s globalized world. Likewise, the rise of new powers and non state actors means that rule making (and breaking) can no longer be restricted to a small Western club.

In particular, the two countries whose problems drove much of the need for twentieth century European integration Germany and Italy were culturally and politically highly diverse. In both countries, early nineteenth century romantic nationalism gave way to a sober obsession with economic forces after the failed revolutions of 1848.

Biodiversity is essential for reliable and stable long term food production. The famines in Ireland in the nineteenth century and in Ethiopia in the late twentieth century provide clear evidence of the vulnerability of undiversified crops to environmental changes, and the dramatic consequences of such vulnerability for the population.

Metternich s system worked through much of the nineteenth century, because it protected a genuine balance of power between countries that shared common values. But what common values do King, Pope, and American President share?

Who could quibble with such an innocent statement? Without the discoveries of nineteenth century physicists and their successors, we could hardly imagine today s world no electrical power grid, no televisions, no satellites, no iPads.

The United Nations congresses on crime prevention and criminal justice trace their origin to the international penitentiary congresses that had been organized by the International Penal and Penitentiary Commission (IPPC) since the nineteenth century.

The early nineteenth century was characterized by high tariff rates in both the US and Europe. But, during the last few decades of the century, European tariff rates fell substantially, largely in response to the United Kingdom s unilateral repeal of the Corn Laws, which had imposed substantial tariffs on imported grain.