Translation of "aggregate demand" to Chinese language:
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| By stabilizing expenditure, such funds would help to stabilize relative prices and aggregate demand. | 此类基金通过稳定支出 将有助于稳定相对价格和总需求 |
| Many influential economists are now worried that the US faces anemic growth and secular stagnation, owing to a persistent gap between aggregate demand and full employment. Stagnant middle class incomes imply weak aggregate demand, which in turn means slack labor markets and stagnant wages for most workers. | 如今 许多著名经济学家担心 拜总需求和充分就业之间的持久缺口所赐 美国面临着增长萎靡和 长期停滞 中产阶级所得停滞不前意味着总需求疲软 而疲软的总需求反过来意味着劳动力市场萎靡和大部分工人工资无法增长 在没有支持总需求维持充分就业水平的积极货币和财政政策的情况下 结果将是低增长的恶性循环 |
| Summers emphasizes the inadequacy of aggregate demand, exacerbated by the inability of central banks to reduce nominal interest rates below zero. The reasons for weak aggregate demand include aging populations that consume less and the growing concentration of wealth among the very rich, whose marginal propensity to consume is small. | 这一停滞的原因在很大程度上取决于经济学家之所指 萨默斯强调总需求的不足 这一不足因为中央银行无法将名义利率降至零以下而加剧 总需求萎靡的原因包括人口老龄化导致消费减少和财富日渐向边际消费倾向很低的巨富集中 |
| But the opposite of the excessive consumption model excessive reliance on investment to generate aggregate demand is also a self limiting growth pattern. When the private and social returns of investment diminish too much, growth cannot be sustained indefinitely, even though rising investment rates can sustain aggregate demand for a while. | 但消费过度模型的反面 过度依赖投资形成总需求 同样是一种自我局限型增长模式 随着投资的私人和社会回报一降再降 增长将不可能永久维持下去 尽管不断增加的投资率能够在短期维持总需求 摆脱这一增长模式是中国当前所面临的重大挑战之一 |
| Moreover, public investment works on both the demand and supply sides. It not only boosts aggregate demand directly it also expands potential output by increasing the stock of productivity boosting capital. | 在如今大部分发达经济体的低利率环境下 这类支出的回报必然会更高 而不管是发达经济体还是新兴经济体都需要大量基础设施 中国除外 它存在基础设施投资过度的问题 此外 公共投资对需求和供给端都能起作用 它不仅直接提振总需求 也通过增加能提高生产率的资本扩大了潜在产出 |
| However, to the extent that public investment grows, aggregate demand increases correspondingly, generating some growth and creating a cushion against recession. | 然而 只要增加公共投资 总需求会相应增长 从而带来一定的增长 对衰退产生缓冲作用 |
| With a global recession a near certainty, deflation rather than inflation will become the main concern for policymakers. The fall in aggregate demand while potential aggregate supply has been rising because of overinvestment by China and other emerging markets will sharply reduce inflation. | 由于全球性的衰退几乎无法避免 紧缩 而不是膨胀 将变成决策者关注的主要事宜 当潜在的总供给因为中国和其他新兴市场的过度投资而保持增加的时候 总需求的滑落将极大地削减通胀 失业率上升和劳动力市场疲软将会限制工资和劳动力成本 商品价格的进一步滑落 比起夏季高点它们已经下降了30 将会加剧紧缩的压力 |
| Managing aggregate demand is governments job. While Say s law the view that supply creates its own demand is false in theory, it is true enough in practice that entrepreneurs and enterprises can and do depend on it. | 调控总需求是政府的职责 尽管萨伊定律 供给创造需求 在理论上被证明是错误的 但毫无疑问 企业家和创业者在实际中却仍然遵循着这一准则 |
| Debt drove growth, creating aggregate demand that would not have existed otherwise. (The same is true of the United States and Japan, though the details differ.) | 以南欧为例,从经济增长和就业的角度来看 公共和私人债务掩盖了以下事实 生产率缺乏增长 贸易部门竞争力下降 以及一系列根本的结构性缺陷 包括劳动力市场僵化 教育和技能培训缺乏以及对基础设施投资不足 是负债在推动经济增长 创造出原本不可能存在的总需求 虽然细节有所不同 但同样的情况在美国和日本也出现了 |
| But, apart from the political impossibility of nationalizing the whole economy peacefully, this approach suffered from the fatal flaw of ignoring the role of aggregate demand. It assumed that demand would always be sufficient if profits were eliminated. | 这种理论起源于李嘉图和马克思的思想 所谓资产阶级需要保持 一定数量的失业大军 来维持其利润 如果消灭了利润 失业大军也没有存在的必要了 劳动者就会获取应得的报酬 任何想要工作的人都能找到工作 |
| In short, the world should not expect China to shore up global aggregate demand in 2015. If anything, there will be an even bigger hole to fill. | 简言之 世界不必期待2015年中国还能顶起全球总需求 中国不拖后腿已属不易 |
| Accumulating excessive debt usually entails moving some part of domestic aggregate demand forward in time, so the exit from that debt must include more savings and diminished demand. The negative shock adversely impacts the non tradable sector, which is large (roughly two thirds of an advanced economy) and wholly dependent on domestic demand. | 这一点也不奇怪 债务积累过多通常也会同时推动国内总需求 因此减少债务必然包含更多的储蓄和需求消失 这种负面冲击反过来会不利于非贸易部门 该部门约占发达国家经济的2 3且非常依赖国内需求 因此在去杠杆化过程中经济增长和就业率都会有所下降 |
| Why continue building when you can neither finance your investment nor sell real estate? Russian consumers are already scared and will cut their consumption, causing aggregate demand to contract. | 在第五幕中 投资将会停滞 在既不能为投资融资又无法出售不动产的情况下 为何还要继续大兴土木呢 俄罗斯的消费者们已经感到恐惧 他们会减少消费 从而使总体需求压缩 |
| There are no psychological preferences, natural resource constraints, or technological factors that make investing in private enterprises riskier than it was five years ago. Rather, the risk stems from governments refusal, when push comes to shove, to match aggregate demand to aggregate supply in order to prevent mass unemployment. | 不过 当前全球投资者希望通过购买美国 日本和德国主权债务来规避的并不是 基础 风险 与5年前相比 投资者的心理偏好 自然资源的约束或技术因素都没有发生根本性变化 也因此使得当前对私人企业的投资风险更高 确切地说 主要的风险来自于政府在紧急关头时为避免大规模失业而拒绝调控总需求以适应总供给 |
| First, Kicillof attributed Argentina s rapid economic growth in the years between its 2001 debt default and the 2008 global financial crisis to a Keynesian reflation of domestic aggregate demand. Keynes made a tremendous intellectual contribution in showing that supply in a market economy does not necessarily create its own demand, and that demand shortfalls can cause avoidable recessions. | 首先 基奇洛夫把阿根廷2001年债务违约和2008年全球金融危机间经济快速增长的年份归因为国内总需求的凯恩斯主义景气恢复 凯恩斯的巨大贡献在于证明市场经济供给并不一定能够创造需求 而这种需求的缺失可能导致的经济衰退本来是可以避免的 这样的逻辑在阿根廷能否适用 |
| The economy is depressed and unemployment is high not because of slack aggregate demand generated by a collapse in spending, but instead because structural factors have produced a mismatch between the skills of the labor force and the distribution of demand. The structure of demand by consumers is different from the jobs that workers are capable of filling. | 让我们回忆一下结构性失业究竟该是什么样的 在这种情况下 经济衰退和高失业率并非来源于经济危机所引发的社会总需求下滑 而是因为 结构性 因素导致了劳动者的技能无法与社会的需求相衔接 消费者的需求结构多种多样 而劳动者也应该有能力去满足 |
| The pessimists believe that there has been a large decline in the will to invest, something like the loss of animal spirits described by Keynes. Even with very low interest rates, according to this view, investment demand will remain low, and therefore aggregate demand will remain insufficient. | 悲观派认为投资意愿出现了大幅下降 凯恩斯所谓的 动物精神 损失惨重 根据这一观点 即使利率极低 投资需求也将保持低水平 因此总需求也会依然不足 通缩将进一步恶化形势 只有大规模财政赤字才能填补需求缺口 |
| Aggregate economic developments | A. 总的经济发展情况 |
| In principle, the answer is straightforward. If a central bank has two policy targets, then it needs two instruments monetary policy to influence aggregate demand, and regulatory policy to limit financial risks. | 问题在于斯特恩的新观点是否能够得到论证 理论上 答案是直观的 如果中央银行有两个政策目标 那么就需要两种工具 货币政策影响总需求 监管政策限制金融风险 |
| Some suggest that, given the economic slowdown, we should put global warming on the backburner. On the contrary, retrofitting the global economy for climate change would help to restore aggregate demand and growth. | 考虑到当前经济放缓 有人建议我们应该把全球变暖这个问题放到次要位置 但恰恰相反 为气候变化而改造全球经济可能会有助于恢复总需求和增长 |
| But this was just the flip side of what Keynes had worried about insufficient global aggregate demand. The search for return contributed to the reckless leverage and risk taking that underlay this crisis. | 有一阵子 人们以几乎以赞许的口气谈论大量的流动资金 但这只是凯恩斯曾担心的问题的另一面 全球总需求的不足 对回报的追求对造成这次危机的鲁莽的杠杆作用和冒险起了推波助澜的作用 |
| That approach might have worked had the US economy been afflicted by a cyclical disease a temporary shortfall of aggregate demand. In that case, countercyclical policies both fiscal and monetary could eventually be expected to plug the demand hole and get the economy going again, just as Keynesians argue. | 假如是总需求暂时不足的周期性顽疾困扰美国经济这种办法有可能奏效 在上述情况下 按照凯恩斯理论 财政及货币等反周期政策最终可以弥补需求不足 从而让经济再度启动 |
| And that leverage much of it the result of monetary expansion in most of the world s advanced economies is not even serving the goal of boosting long term aggregate demand. After all, accommodative monetary policies can, at best, merely buy time for more durable sources of demand to emerge. | 增长正在受到腹背夹击 杠杆率正在上升 自全球金融危机爆发以来 全世界债务已高达57万亿美元 这一杠杆 大多是大部分发达经济体货币扩张的结果 甚至连提振长期总需求这一目标都没有达到 毕竟 有利的货币政策充其量只能为更加持久的需求源的出现赢得时间 |
| There is thus a subtle but important difference between my debt driven demand view and the neo Keynesian explanation that deleveraging (saving by chastened borrowers) or debt overhang (the inability of debt laden borrowers to spend) is responsible for slow post crisis growth. Both views accept that the central source of weak aggregate demand is the disappearance of demand from former borrowers. | 所以 在我的举债驱动型需求观和新凯恩斯主义之间就存在一种微妙然而重要的差别 新凯恩斯主义认为 去杠杆化过程 吃了苦头的借款人进行存款 或债务后遗症 被债务压得喘不过气来的借款人无力支出 要为危机后低迷的增长率负责 两种观点都承认 总需求疲软的主要原因是原先借款人需求的消失 但它们开出的解决方案不同 |
| But, for individual economies, relative productivity versus income levels determines the share of global tradable aggregate demand that is accessible. Unlike the non tradable side of the economy, the domestic component of global tradable demand is not an absolute constraint on growth nor is the rate of growth of global tradable demand an absolute constraint, given the possibility of increasing share. | 但是 对于具体国家而言 生产率与收入水平的相对比较决定了其在可实现全球可贸易总需求中所占的份额 与经济中的不可贸易部门不同 全球可贸易需求中的内需部分并不是增长的绝对约束 全球可贸易需求增长率亦然 这是因为存在扩大份额的可能 |
| But solidarity begins at home. And that means beating back the populists and nationalist barbarians within by supporting aggregate demand and pro growth reforms that ensure a more resilient recovery of jobs and incomes. | 但凝聚力从自身内部开始 而这意味着支持总需求和促增长改革以确保就业和收入复苏更加坚挺 从而消灭大门里的民粹主义和民族主义野蛮人 |
| Some countries are making consistent efforts to revamp exhausted growth models. In China, for example, this involves less reliance on exports and public investment, and more on the private components of domestic aggregate demand. | 新兴世界的问题更加复杂和多样化 一些国家正在努力改造其乏力的增长模式 以中国为例 这举包括减少对出口和公共投资的依赖 增加国内总需求的私有成分 |
| With higher interest rates depressing housing prices, the game is over. As America moves to, say, a 4 savings rate (still small by normal standards), aggregate demand will weaken, and with it, the economy. | 随着高利率对房价的压制 游戏结束了 当美国的储蓄率达到4 就一般标准来看仍然很低 累计总需求就会减弱 随之而来的就是经济走弱 |
| Total demand and its growth do matter, but so does market share. Given the growth patterns across advanced and developing countries prior to the crisis, and then the large negative shock, it is likely that there is a shortfall of tradable global aggregate demand, impeding an important component of global growth. | 增长问题的复杂化与全球经济可贸易部分有关 其中的全球总需求 以及由此产生的全球供应链和价值增加链中的派生需求 成为了竞争目标 总需求及其增长确实重要 但全球份额同样重要 从危机前发达和发展中国家的增长模式以及随后所产生的负面效应巨大的冲击看 可能存在可贸易全球总需求短缺 从而妨碍了全球增长中的一大重要组成部分 |
| So when you look online at the way people aggregate, they don't aggregate around age, gender and income. | 当你上网看人们聚成社群的方式 人们不是 按年龄 性别和收入而走到一起 |
| The aggregate numbers are overwhelming. | 城市里的人口总数是惊人的 |
| Aggregate figures can be misleading. | 11. 总体数字可能产生误导 |
| Aggregate procurement value and trends | A. 采购总值和趋势 |
| It also means getting the balance between domestic and external demand right, and appreciating the sensitivity of medium and long term growth to the composition (and size) of domestic aggregate demand. Against this background, monetary policymakers must be cautious, because low interest rates can shift the growth model back toward leverage and domestic consumer demand, stalling the structural shift to the tradable side that is underway. | 这也意味着保持内需和外需的合理平衡 提高中期和长期对国内总需求的组成 和规模 的敏感性 在这样的背景下 货币政策必须谨慎 因为低利率可能让增长模式重回杠杆和国内消费需求 阻碍正在发生的向可贸易部门转变的结构性变化 |
| America s profligacy the fact that the world s richest country could not live within its means was often criticized. But perhaps the world should be thankful, because without American profligacy, there would have been insufficient global aggregate demand. | 长期以来 美国一直在维持全球经济成长方面发挥了重要作用 美国的挥霍 即世界上最富有的国家也不能量入为出这一事实 曾广遭批评 但也许世界应 该心存感激 因为没有美国的挥霍 就会出现全球总需求的不足 在过去 发展中国家以出现贸易和财政赤字的方式填补了这一角色 但是 他们付出了高昂的代价 而现在承担财政责任和采取 保守的货币政策成为了时尚 |
| The US is adjusting structurally and generating real (inflation adjusted) GDP growth (though well below its potential annual rate of 3 3.5 ). The tradable sector is expanding and is not dependent on leverage to generate aggregate demand. | 在美国 经济去杠杆化进程远比欧洲深入 美国在经历结构性调整 真实 经通胀调整的 GDP处于正增长 尽管显著低于3 3.5 的潜在年增长率 可贸易部门正在扩张 不需要依赖杠杆就能提振总需求 |
| Indeed, for ten years, north to south income transfers and lending financed excessive aggregate demand, making the eurozone seem stable. As markets underpriced risk in order to lend to increasingly indebted countries, pressure on interest rates diminished. | 事实上 十年来 北欧 南欧收入转移和借贷撑起了过大的总需求 让欧元区看起来很稳定 由于市场低估风险价格以便为债务日重的国家提供贷款 利率压力不再存在 在欧元的第一个十年中 十年期国债利差几近消失 |
| America s profligacy the fact that the world s richest country could not live within its means was often criticized. But perhaps the world should be thankful, because without American profligacy, there would have been insufficient global aggregate demand. | 长期以来 美国一直在维持全球经济成长方面发挥了重要作用 美国的挥霍 即世界上最富有的国家也不能量入为出这一事实 曾广遭批评 但也许世界应 该心存感激 因为没有美国的挥霍 就会出现全球总需求的不足 在过去 发展中国家以出现贸易和财政赤字的方式填补了这一角色 但是 他们付出了高昂的代价 而现在承担财政责任和采取 保守的货币政策成为了时尚 |
| The eurozone crisis did not derail recovery it is the result of a lack of recovery. It is the natural, predictable, and (by many) predicted result of the main European countries deliberate policy of repressing aggregate demand. | 当我们要求政客们对这一凄惨结果给出解释的时候 他们异口同声地回答说 这不是我们的错 接着 他们会大谈复苏因欧元区危机而 脱轨 但这完全是信口胡说 欧元区危机并没有让复苏脱轨 其本身正是复苏萎靡的结果 这是主要欧洲国家有意压制总需求的政策所导致的自然的 可预料的且被许多人所预料到的结果 |
| However, over zealousness on the part of policymakers to further decrease already low rates of inflation can lead to high interest rates that discourage investment and curb aggregate demand and that may affect private sector balance sheets. | 然而 决策者如太积极降低已经很低的通货膨胀率 则会导致利率上升 打击投资积极性和压缩总需求 这可能对私营部门的收支情况产生影响 |
| In theory, by depressing aggregate demand, the combination of increased real debt and higher real interest rates could lead to further price declines, leading to even larger negative inflation rates. As a result, the real interest rate would rise further, pushing the economy deeper into a downward spiral of falling prices and declining demand. | 理论上 真实债务增加和真实利率升高的合力通过抑制总需求导致价格的进一步下跌 带来更严重的负通胀率 结果 真实利率将进一步上升 将经济推入更深的物价和需求的下降螺旋 |
| Properly targeted public investment can do much to boost economic performance, generating aggregate demand quickly, fueling productivity growth by improving human capital, encouraging technological innovation, and spurring private sector investment by increasing returns. Though public investment cannot fix a large demand shortfall overnight, it can accelerate the recovery and establish more sustainable growth patterns. | 目标合理的公共投资非常有利于提高经济表现 迅速创造总需求 通过改善人力资本 鼓励技术创新和用增加回报刺激私人部门投资增进生产率 尽管公共投资无法立刻填补大规模需求短缺 但它能加速复苏 带来更加可持续的增长模式 |
| The first key factor is deleveraging and the resulting shortfall in aggregate demand. Since the financial crisis began in 2008, several developed countries, having sustained demand with excessive leverage and consumption, have had to repair both private and public balance sheets, which takes time and has left them impaired in terms of growth and employment. | 第一个关键因素是去杠杆化以及由此导致的总需求短缺 自2008年爆发经济危机以来 几个持续依赖过度杠杆效应和消费来维持需求的发达国家不得不修复其私营部门及公共资产负债表 这需要时间 使得它们在经济增长和就业方面表现不佳 |
| China s leaders should aim to accelerate and build upon these trends, rather than pursuing additional fiscal and monetary stimulus. Public investment is high enough expanding it now would shift the composition of aggregate demand in the wrong direction. | 中国领导人应该把目标放在加快和构建这些趋势上 而不是采取更多的财政和货币刺激 公共投资已足够高 现在继续扩大将把总需求组成引向错误的方向 而在公司部门杠杆率已经过高的情况下 大面积扩张信用也不安全 |
| But this economic logic does not apply in the case of increases in oil prices. Although high oil prices look like a tax on business activity that depresses aggregate demand, they also raise inflation, both directly and indirectly. | 但这样的经济逻辑在油价上涨时并不适用 尽管高油价似乎是企业活动的额外赋税 同样抑制了总体需求 但同时也直接或间接地提高了通货膨胀 |
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