Translation of "imperial russia" to Chinese language:


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Imperial - translation : Russia - translation :

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The seventeenth century united this spiritual mission with imperial expansion, which eventually encompassed a landmass spanning 11 times zones. In the early twentieth century, the imperial and spiritual mission became one, as Russia became the bastion of world communism.
长久以来 俄罗斯人一直自夸他们国家独一无二伟大之处 首先是圣洁的俄罗斯精神义远远高于西方的实用主义 15世纪 莫斯科被宣称为 第三罗马 基督教的精神救世主 17世纪 这种精神使命与帝国扩张结合起来 最终出现了一个横跨11个时区的大帝国 20世纪初 帝国任务与精神使命合二为一 俄罗斯成为了世界共产主义的堡垒
Russia is not becoming assertive, aggressive, or imperial, as many observers claim. We are only claiming what is rightfully ours a place in the front row of international relations.
俄罗斯并没有像许多观察家们所称的那样 正变得刚愎自用 富于进攻性或帝国主义 我们只是在要求应有的东西 在国际关系前排的一席之地 世界将不得不接受俄罗斯不再是个软弱的国家这一事实 我们有战略利益和国家安全考虑就这么难以理解么
The country has fully reconciled itself with America s strategic shift away from the European continent, even though Poles are as obsessively fearful of Russia as ever. And can one blame them, given that Russia seems more nostalgic for its imperial tradition than ever?
而波兰 虽然还不是欧元区的一部分 将欧盟认定为唯一的前途 虽然依然跟从前一样惧怕俄罗斯 但该国已经完全适应了美国将战略中心从欧洲大陆移开的事实 而考虑到俄罗斯似乎比以往更加怀念其帝国传统的现状 这又有什么可指责的呢
Putin s Imperial Dreams
普京的帝国主义之梦
Imperial Germany was not threatened by Russian industrial dominance in the way von Moltke feared, and its military calculations also failed. Germany did not knock out France and then conquer Russia.
结果每个预测都被证明是惨重的错误 德国没有受到毛奇所害怕的俄罗斯工业优势的威胁 其军事预测也惨遭失败 德国没有击倒法国从而征服俄罗斯 相反 战争变成了一场血腥的僵局 最后 俄罗斯帝国倒塌了 为布尔什维克革命开辟了道路
America s Late Imperial Dilemma
美国的末期帝国主义难题
Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society
家庭关系国家委员会
In international politics, one side s strength often reflects the other side s weakness. The weakness of the US and Europe today is an open invitation for Russia to return to its old imperial politics.
在国际政治中 某方的实力经常反映出对方的弱点 美国和欧洲如今的弱点正好引诱俄国回到其旧的帝国政治之中 这一发展势头决不是安全的 特别是对欧洲而言
To put it bluntly, Russia is no longer in the same category as China. Whereas the Middle Kingdom is proudly regaining its former global status after centuries of decline, Russia is defiantly trying to resurrect its former imperial status, but in a manner that appears doomed to fail.
坦率的说 俄罗斯和中国已经再不能同日而语 在 地球中心的王国 衰落了几个世纪之后 正在骄傲地崛起 恢复它曾经拥有的辉煌 与此同时 俄罗斯也在跃跃欲试地企图恢复从前的帝国地位 但这似乎注定不会成功
Yes, Russia is emerging from its humiliation following the collapse of the Soviet Union. Heir to an imperial tradition that has shaped its national identity, Russia is resuming in the Middle East a role and status more in tune with the one it had from the Czarist era to Soviet times.
是的 俄罗斯正在从苏联解体后的耻辱中重新崛起 继承了决定其国民性的帝国传统的俄罗斯正在重新树立其在中东的地位和作用 堪与帝俄时代和斯大林时代相媲美
The response to the return of Russia s imperial great power politics has nothing to do with punishing Russia, and a lot to do with establishing innately Western especially European positions of power. This requires several measures
俄罗斯重拾帝国主义大国政治做出的反应 与处罚俄罗斯无关 但和建立西方的 尤其是欧洲的固有的力量地位有很大关系 这需要采取几个行动
But, beneath the surface, unease in the bilateral relationship persists, partly for historical reasons. Nationalist Chinese remember imperial Russia s conquests, while many Russians have a morbid fear of the yellow peril, even though the Mongols conquered and reigned in China, while they were eventually repelled from Russia (not to mention that the Chinese never invaded Russia).
但是 在表面之下 双边关系存在着隐忧 这部分是拜历史因素所赐 中国的民族主义者一直铭记着帝俄的侵略 而许多俄罗斯人则有着病态的 黄祸 恐惧 尽管蒙古人征服并统治的是中国 而在俄罗斯 他们最终被驱赶出境了 更不用说中国人从未入侵过俄罗斯
With Putin s current clampdown on civil society, re nationalization of key segments of the economy, failure to develop any political approach to resolving the conflict in Chechnya, and cultivation of imperial nostalgia, Russia is killing its only chance to matter in the future.
目前 普京对俄国的公民社会予以压制 对俄罗斯的关键经济部门重新实行国有 找不到解决车臣地区冲突的政治途径以及时时酝酿着对过去帝国的怀旧情绪 所有这些无一不在扼杀俄罗斯未来发展的唯一机会
Ukraine s break with Russia was perhaps the most wrenching, both for those in the Kremlin nostalgic for imperial control and for ordinary Russians who see Ukraine as the wellspring of Russian civilization. The Orange Revolution of 2004, which overturned a rigged presidential election, proved that Ukraine was no longer a Malorossiya (a small Russia), an inferior and subordinate Slavic brother.
对于克里姆林宫怀念帝国控制的人和那些把乌克兰视为俄罗斯文明之源的普通俄罗斯人来说 乌克兰脱离俄罗斯可能是最令人痛苦的 2004年的橙色革命推翻了非法操纵的总统选举 证明了乌克兰不再是 小俄罗斯 一个劣等附属的斯拉夫兄弟 事实上 这场尤先科和特莫申科领导的和平革命提醒了我们基辅在被迫让路给专制的莫斯科之前文明发展到多么高的程度
Aristocrats lived to the east and west of the imperial palace.
贵族住在故宫的东边和西边
Let Russia Be Russia
俄罗斯俄罗斯
All these transformations will take time, and they will not come easily or be free of conflict. So, for the foreseeable future, the West will have to deal with a Russia that yearns for its lost imperial power and shapes its foreign policy to this end.
所有这些转变都需要时间 而且也不会唾手可得 所以 在可以遇见的将来 西方将会与一个渴望其失去的帝国势力并且以此来制定外交政策的俄国打交道
Above all, the European Union and its member states cannot allow Russia to recapture its imperial spheres of influence without severely damaging its own central interests. It is for this reason that securing the independence of Ukraine is so important, as is assuring Turkey s European orientation.
因此 在俄国成功进行现代化和其全球双边关系上 欧洲有着战略利益 首先 欧盟及其成员国不能允许俄国重新夺回其帝国势力范围而不严重破坏其自身的中心利益 正是这一原因 确保乌克兰的独立是非常重要的 正如确保土耳其的欧洲导向一样重要
Even when building the Imperial Palace, they always leave one place unfinished.
即使是建造皇宫时 他们也总是留下一个未完工的地方
Thus, Russia s effort to entrap Georgia and its neighbors in the nets of its new liberal empire is part of a well coordinated attempt to reorient the South Caucasus as a whole towards the anti Western coalition of Russia and Iran. Western countries, and the US in particular, must provide firm backing and support to the South Caucasus to prevent Russia from realizing its destabilizing and dangerous neo imperial dream.
这样 俄罗斯将格鲁吉亚及其邻国诱入其新的 自由化帝国 之网并成为新的 将整个南高加索地区重新转向为俄罗斯和伊朗的反西方联合阵营的企图的一部分 西方国家 特别是美国必须向南高加索提供坚定的支持 以防止俄罗斯实现其破坏稳定以及危险的新帝国主义梦想
During the 15th century, the Ryukyu Kingdom was a tributary state of Imperial China.
在15世紀 琉球王國是中國帝國的附庸國
By overplaying its hand in Afghanistan and lying to the world about the downing of KAL 007, the Soviet regime exposed and accelerated the rot that made its collapse inevitable. There is no reason to believe in a different fate for Putin s effort to re establish Russia as an imperial power.
在阿富汗的不自量力以及在大韩航空007航班坠毁事件上的撒谎让苏联体制的腐败暴露于众 加速腐败导致苏联的崩溃难以避免 没有理由相信普京重塑俄罗斯帝国的努力会有不同的结果
The war in Chechnya may contribute to the moral corruption of Russia as a whole, to its frightening descent into a culture of violence. But it is also feeding a patriotic emotion a popular longing for the restoration of Russia s imperial status and prestige that Putin s regime has shrewdly exploited.
对多数俄国公民来说 经济繁荣和电视娱乐已经成了罗马时代 面包与马戏 模式在当今的替代品 车臣战争可能会导致整个俄国道德的沉沦 造成俄国向暴力文化堕落的可怕后果 但这场战争也点燃了人们爱国情绪¾俄国民众普遍希望恢复俄国昔日的帝国尊严与威望 而普京政权察觉到这种情绪并敏锐地加以利用
Russia s scheme to rehabilitate the rail line from its territory into the secessionist Georgian province of Abkhazia similarly mixes economics with neo imperial aspirations. Even though it is focused on land that the United Nations recognizes as part of Georgia, the main beneficiaries of this project would be Russia and Armenia.
俄罗斯计划重振从其领土到分裂主义的格鲁吉亚阿布哈兹省的铁路同样也把新帝国主义野心混合在经济事务里 尽管这一项目集中在联合国所承认的格鲁吉亚的领土上 但是 这一项目的主要受益人将会是俄罗斯和亚美尼亚
The risk that imperial hubris accelerates, rather than stems, Islamist terror is all too real yet again.
帝国傲慢可能再一次助长而不是遏制伊斯兰恐怖主义 这一风险是实实在在的
To change the units from metric to imperial and vice versa, the 'menu' button must be clicked.
要把公制單位換算成英制或反過來操作 鬚點擊 菜單 按鈕
Unpredictable Russia
不可预测的俄罗斯
Russia, No.
Or, on the contrary, is there something odd in the way that the European fringes obsessively resort to historical milestones? In Britain and Russia, this obsession appears to be not just a way to assert national interests, but also a mechanism for appealing to a population disenchanted with the contemporary realities of decline from the imperial past.
欧洲的核心现在太天真还是太理想主义 摆脱历史真的可行吗 或者 反之 是不是存在某种神奇之物让欧洲必须寻找历史里程碑 在英国和俄罗斯 这一怪癖似乎并不只是一种张扬国家利益的方式 同时也是一种吸引不再对昔日帝国的当代衰落抱有幻想的人民的机制
Three ex Soviet republics joined the European Union and NATO, asserting their desire not only for democracy and prosperity, but also to avoid being part of Russia ever again. By moving to annex Crimea, Putin, supported massively thus far by domestic public opinion, seems to be ending the post imperial frustration of the past two decades.
戈尔巴乔夫的情绪在俄罗斯受到广泛的认同 1991年苏联解体后 俄罗斯就从超级大国降格为穷乡僻壤 三个前苏联共和国加盟欧盟和北约 公开宣布他们不仅要实现民主和繁荣 还要避免以后再落入苏联的魔爪 普京吞并克里米亚之举迄今为止受到国内舆论的强大支持 似乎为前20年后帝国时代的无奈画上了句号
And notice, most of that went to the motherland, to the imperial metropoles, not to their colonial possessions.
请注意 大部分财富都流入了这些国家 流入了帝国的大都市里 而不是殖民地
Estonia accused Russia.
他们怀疑俄国
Europe s Russia Problem
欧洲的俄国问题
Xi in Russia
习近平在俄罗斯
Europe s Russia Question
欧洲的俄国问题
Realism about Russia
俄罗斯的现实主义
Weimar Russia Revisited
重游魏玛俄国
Taking On Revisionist Russia
应对修正主义的俄国
Can Navalny Save Russia?
纳瓦尔尼能拯救俄罗斯
China s Threat to Russia
中国对俄国的威胁
Germany, Europe, and Russia
德国 欧洲和俄罗斯
Killing Growth in Russia
扼杀俄罗斯的经济增长
Russia u0027s Neurotic Invasion
俄国神经质般的入侵
We went to Russia.
我們去了一趟俄羅斯
Equally worrisome is the recent drift of former imperial powers Russia and Turkey. Both countries leaders, Russian President Vladimir Putin and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, place their own power above their citizens interests, and both are fanning the flames of misguided nationalism and religious chauvinism, surrounded by frightened courtiers whose main function has been to keep reality at bay.
同样令人担忧的是前帝国主义列强俄罗斯和土耳其最近的走势 两国领导人 俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔 普京和土耳其总统雷杰普 塔伊普 埃尔多安将自身权力凌驾于公民利益之上 两人都在以掩盖事实为主要目的的惊恐不安的臣子包围下 拼命煽动被误导的民族主义和宗教沙文主义情绪

 

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